Pero en el caso de los Media debemos tener en cuenta que detrás de ellos están poderosos intereses.
Por ello la credibilidad que les da bastante público se debe más a los efectos de la propaganda incesante que a la veracidad de sus afirmaciones.
Esta veracidad ha sido comprobada una y otra vez que no es cierta en asuntos donde había en juego importantes intereses.
El caso de la guerra de Yugoslavia es un buen ejemplo. Allí el tópico de crear un cabeza de turco funcionó, tanto que se pudo hacer la mayor limpieza étnica en Europa después de la segunda guerra mundial sin el menor problema, con el apoyo de EEUU y la OTAN a las milicias croatas. Este genocidio tuvo lugar en La Krajina, con la matanza de civiles serbocroatas indefensos y la expulsión de más de 200.000 de su tierra.
Nada de ello apareció en los media occidentales de principal difusión.
Los casos se repitieron una y otra vez en esta guerra, las barbaridades cometidas por los serbios eran agrandadas, incluso inventadas en buena parte como el caso de Srebrenica que se utilizó como elemento propagandístico que posibilitó lo de La Krajina y los bombardeos de la OTAN entre otras cosas. En cambio las realizadas contra los serbios eran silenciadas. Desdibujando completamente la realidad que allí se dio.
Ejemplos de esta desinformación y falta de honestidad de los Media nos los ofrece por ejemplo Horst Hermann, pero pueden ser encontrados en páginas e historiadores que traten con un mínimo de rigor los tristes sucesos deYugoslavia.
The Serial Lying Before and After Srebrenica
At each stage in the dismantlement of Yugoslavia, its ethnic cleansing, and before and during the NATO war over the Kosovo province of Serbia in 1999, propaganda lies played a very important role in forwarding conflict and anti-Serb actions. There were lies of omission and lies that directly conveyed false impressions and information. An important form of lie of omission was the regular presentation of Serb misbehavior as unique to the Serbs, not also characteristic of the behavior of the Muslims and Croatians or of the conflict overall. In case after case the media would report on Serb attacks and atrocities, having neglected to report the prior assaults on Serbs in those same towns and making the Serb behavior seem like unprovoked acts of aggression and barbarity.
This was evident from the very start of the serious fighting in 1991 in the republic of Croatia. In their treatment of the Eastern Croatian city of Vukovar, for example, the media (and ICTY) focused exclusively on the federal Yugoslav army's capture of the town in the fall of 1991, completely ignoring the prior spring and summer's slaughter by Croatian National Guard troops and paramilitaries of hundreds of ethnic Serbs who had lived in the Vukovar area. According to Raymond K. Kent, "a substantial Serb population in the major Slavonian city of Vukovar disappeared without having fled, leaving traces of torture in the old Austrian the spring catacombs under the city along with evidence of murder and rape. The Western media, whose demonization of the Serbs was well underway, chose to overlook these events..." [12] This selective and misleading focus was standard media and ICTY practice.
Lies of omission were also clear in the attention given Bosnian Serb prison camps like Omarska, which the media focused on intensively and with indignation, when in fact the Muslims and Croats had very similar prison camps-at Celebici, Tarcin, Livno, Bradina, Odzak, and in the Zetra camp in Sarajevo, among other sites-[13] with roughly comparable numbers, facilities, and certainly no worse treatment of prisoners; [14] but in contrast with the Serbs, the Muslims and Croats hired competent PR firms and refused permission to inspect their facilities-and the already well-developed structure of bias made the media little interested in any but Serb camps.
Wild allegations of Auschwitz-like conditions in Serb "concentration camps" were spread by "journalists of attachment" who lapped up propaganda handouts by Muslim and Croat officials and PR hirlings. Roy Gutman, who won a Pulitzer prize jointly with John Burns for Bosnia reporting in 1993, depended heavily on Croat and Muslim officials and witnesses with suspect credentials and implausible claims, and he was a major source of inflated, one-sided, and false "concentration camp" propaganda. [15] John Burns' Pulitzer award was based on an extended interview with Boris Herak, a captured Bosnian Serb supplied to him and a Soros-funded film-maker by the Bosnian Muslims. Several years later Herak admitted that his extremely implausible confession had been coerced and that he had been forced to memorize many pages of lies. Two of his alleged victims also turned up alive in later years. In reporting on Herak, John Burns and the New York Times (and the Soros-funded film) suppressed the credibility-damaging fact that Herak had also accused former UNPROFOR commandant, Canadian General Lewis Mackenzie, of having raped young Muslim women at a Serb-run bordello. [16] These scandalous awards are symptomatic of the media bias that was already overwhelming in 1992 and 1993.
Entre las mayores barbaridades, claramente criminal y genocida está esta portada del Time.
Un bombardeo masivo abre las puertas a la paz llevando a los serbios al infierno, dice este magazine.
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